How do Israeli academics react to the call for a boycott of their universities, and to the idea that they support the policies of the Hebrew state? What is their relationship with the Netanyahu government, and how has the war affected their academic freedom? To shed light on these questions, K. went to interview them directly. We publish the answers of Professors Itaï Ater and Alon Korngreen, members of the “Academics for Israeli Democracy” group, as well as those of Professor Eyal Benvenisti, member of the “Forum of Israeli Law Professors for Democracy”, and Tamir Sheafer, Rector of the Hebrew University.
What is the relationship of your university as an institution and of the faculty and students to the Netanyahu government as it was formed in November 2022?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : Since the newly appointed Justice Minister, Mr. Yariv Levin, announced his plan for a judicial overhaul on January 4th, 2023, thousands of academics across multiple Israeli universities and colleges have voiced concerns over the government’s plan to significantly weaken the judiciary and shift Israel towards an authoritarian regime. At Tel Aviv University, over 1,000 professors signed a manifesto stating that judicial reform is a clear threat to democracy and the future of Israel. The Tel Aviv University Senate also published a public statement denouncing the judicial reform and committed to actively resisting the changes. Other university senates made similar statements. In the first week of the semester, Tel Aviv University’s Democracy Task Force, formed by professors from all faculties, organized an on-campus democracy week with dozens of open lectures on democratic values. Demonstrations, often marching from campuses to nearby crossroads, have become common. Many of these activities were organized by a grassroots protest organization formed in Israeli academia called “Academics for Israeli Democracy” (also known as “No Democracy Without Academia”). We are both in the leading team of this organization. Academics from all universities speak publicly in opposition to the government. You can view some of these speeches in the following translated volumes.
https://www.bashaar.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/SpeakOut-29.04.23.pdf
https://www.bashaar.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/SpeakOut_2-September-2024.pdf
Eyal Benvenisti : The Netanyahu government has since day 1 identified the Israeli academia as their adversaries. They believe that we are their adversaries, because we are liberals in support of the rule of law, including compliance with international law, and that many of us are seeking peace with the Palestinians. They detest the fact that we discuss these values with our students.
Tamir Sheafer : Hebrew University is an independent institution that operates autonomously, fostering critical thinking and academic freedom. While it inevitably interacts with the political landscape, its faculty and students hold a wide range of views on government policies, spanning from support to criticism. The university cultivates a culture of open debate on these issues, upholding its academic standards while contributing expertise to public discourse, regardless of when those conflict with those of the government. This delicate balance enables Hebrew University to fulfill its role in Israeli society while navigating the political realities of the time.
Has this government exerted political pressure on universities since it came to power? If so, what form does this pressure take?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : Universities in Israel are politically independent and enjoy academic freedom; however, politicians, including the current Education Minister, have attempted to influence academic discourse. A few examples include:
- The Academic Gag Law: A proposed legislative law that prohibits professors from expressing support for or identification with acts of terror. A politically connected administrator rather than the courts would define what counts as “support of a terror act.” In essence, this will introduce political officers into the academia. The law also includes severe sanctions, potentially leading to dismissal without severance and budget cuts to the institution. All academic institutions have expressed serious concerns about this law, and unions have indicated they will strike if it passes.
- The Education Minister’s decision to cancel the annual Israel Prize, the most prestigious award given annually on Israel’s Independence Day to individuals who have made significant contributions to science and culture (many of whom are academic professors). This decision was later overruled by the Supreme Court following a petition.
- The appointment of unqualified individuals to senior positions in governing regulatory bodies overseeing Israeli academia. These individuals do not represent public higher education institutions and are likely to weaken Israeli academia, especially those funded by public money, allowing political views to influence how funds are allocated.
Eyal Benvenisti : There are numerous measures to limit the freedom of the academic institutions that are publicly regulated and funded, and other measures designed to limit the academic freedom of professors. In the past, higher education was regulated by a professional apolitical body. The current effort is to interfere with the independence of the regulator, through the intervention of the Minister of Education and conservative professors.
In addition to this institutional change, there are various legislative efforts seeking to limit academic freedoms of professors and compel universities to dismiss professors who express views that authorities would deem offensive.
How do universities respond to any attempts by the government to interfere with their research and teaching?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : Thus far, universities have resisted attempts to interfere with their research and teaching. However, university leaders (except Prof. Ariel Porat, President of Tel Aviv University) have shown lukewarm leadership regarding the broader situation Israel faces, such as the ongoing threats to liberal democracy, the rule of law, and the lives of hostages in Gaza. Many university presidents hesitate to use their stature as public figures; focusing only on issues directly affecting academia is a significant mistake.
Eyal Benvenisti : A few of them, mainly those who are more dependent on the regulator of higher education (in terms of approving new educational programs etc), are silent, but most attempt to resist through collective and individual initiatives by directly addressing the adverse initiatives or by engaging the wider public through the media.
Tamir Sheafer : We recognize the vital role that universities play in fostering critical thought, advancing knowledge, and contributing to societal progress and are committed to maintaining our independence and upholding academic freedom. Any attempts to interfere are taken seriously, and we actively work to ensure that our academic freedoms are preserved. We strive to protect the autonomy of our faculty, researchers, and students, enabling them to pursue their work without undue external influence.
To your knowledge, have any colleagues or students been expelled from an Israeli university for criticising government policy and/or the war in Gaza and/or Lebanon?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : There were a few cases. However, we need more data to comment. This question is best addressed to academics (mostly university vice presidents) who are collecting this data.
Eyal Benvenisti : I am not aware of any cases. Many professors in Israeli universities have been quite vocal against certain policies and the war or specific military measures, and no one was affected as a result. I am not aware of students being expelled for expressing their critique.
There is another question, that refering to reactions by universities to speech that supports the Hamas and or resistance to Israel. I asked around my colleagues to make sure I don’t miss out. There is a report by Adalah that refers to incidents up to the beginning of 2024. There are two cases of scholars at Hebrew U and Tel Aviv U who were criticized for their statements, in one case — Prof. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian leading to her decision to retire. The other — for Prof. Anat Matar, the matter ended without any measure taken by the university. In fact, there are a number of pending bills aiming at requiring the universities to take forceful measures against students and faculty who express their critique of the government or “support terrorism” because, as the initiators accuse, universities do not do anything, or do not do enough, to police speech on campus. A piece describing these measures (in Hebrew) is here. In addition, there is a right wing student body that publishes a black list of liberal professors ostensibly to warn students from taking their classes. The list includes their office location, office phone numbers and email addresses. This list is quite popular. If you’d google my name in Hebrew it will be the second or third entry from top.
Tamir Sheafer : No students or colleagues at Hebrew University have been expelled for expressing criticism of government policies or actions concerning the wars in Gaza or Lebanon. While there have been accusations of speech or actions that allegedly overstepped the legal definition of freedom of speech in Israel, each case has been thoroughly investigated by the university and handled in accordance with Israeli law. There has been one instance of temporary suspension of academic staff pending final clarification. However, to date, no expulsions have occurred at Hebrew University in connection with statements or actions on these matters. We cannot, however, comment on practices at other universities in Israel.
In your opinion, what impact would a boycott of Israeli universities have on Israel’s general policies?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : A boycott of Israeli universities would likely have a limited impact on changing Israel’s general policies, especially those related to security and foreign affairs. The current government will likely view or perceive a boycott as an attack on Israel rather than a call for policy change, leading to increased resistance and entrenchment of current positions. Instead of pressuring the government to change, a boycott could provoke a defensive response, with officials portraying the action as evidence of international hostility toward Israel as a whole rather than focusing on specific policies that need reform.
Eyal Benvenisti : The current coalition would benefit from such boycott in two ways. First, it will harm the universities (as discussed below), an outcome that is in line with the effort of this government to weaken the research universities. Second, it would serve as yet another demonstration that “the whole world is against us” and therefore the proper response should be to ignore the outside, which is what this coalition preaches to its followers.
How would a boycott of Israeli universities affect Israeli universities?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : A boycott would significantly harm research initiatives and international collaborations, reducing funding opportunities and stifling academic progress. This would also create a barrier between Israeli academics and the global academic community, limiting the exchange of ideas. Many Israeli universities are involved in groundbreaking research in fields such as medicine, technology, and environmental science. A boycott would lead to the loss of international partnerships that are crucial for advancing these projects, ultimately hindering progress in these areas.
Israeli universities rely heavily on international collaborations, not only for funding but also for intellectual exchange and joint research projects. Many of these collaborations contribute significantly to scientific advancements that benefit people worldwide. A boycott would risk isolating Israeli researchers from their peers, stifling innovation and making it more difficult for Israeli universities to attract top talent, both locally and internationally. The absence of international partnerships would also make it more challenging for universities to provide high-quality education to their students, as they would lack access to the latest research and developments.
Eyal Benvenisti : The boycott would play into the hand of the current coalition. It will make Israeli universities even more dependent on government funding for their research, and thereby further weaken the independence of Israeli professors. Individual professors would face the choice between leaving Israel – the government would not lament that result – to continue their research abroad or stay and adapt their research to what the government wishes to fund. Even more important are the social ties with foreign peers that offer moral and academic support. These strengthen the resolve of Israeli professors who otherwise feel increasingly isolated from the local audiences that are exposed to the government’s relentless criticism of the academia and to the media that increasingly aligns itself with the demands of the coalition.
Tamir Sheafer : A boycott of Israeli universities would significantly impact both Israeli academia and global progress in science, technology, and medicine. Israeli universities are at the forefront of groundbreaking research across many fields, from healthcare to environmental sustainability, while fostering essential international collaborations to address global challenges. The world would lose these contributions, and Israel would suffer economically and socially, as universities play a key role in innovation, human capital development, and social mobility. Israeli academia’s international partnerships transcend borders and political divides. A boycott would create barriers that harm both Israeli society and global scientific advancement, hindering progress for all.
How do you think a boycott of Israeli universities would affect the younger generations in Israel, both Jewish and Arab?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : A boycott would have a negative impact on the younger generations by reducing their opportunities for higher education and international exposure. It could also deepen social divisions, limiting opportunities for Jewish and Arab students to engage in dialogue and build bridges through academic collaboration. Israeli universities are among the few places where young people from different backgrounds can come together, share experiences, and learn from each other. A boycott would threaten these spaces, making it harder for young people to connect across societal divides.
Jewish and Arab students often work together on research projects, student initiatives, and in classrooms, fostering a sense of shared purpose and mutual respect. By boycotting these institutions, the international community would inadvertently reduce the opportunities for these kinds of interactions, potentially leading to increased mistrust and misunderstanding between the two communities. Education is a powerful tool for bridging gaps, and limiting access to it would have lasting consequences for the social fabric of Israel.
Furthermore, young people in Israel, like their peers around the world, are eager to be part of the global community. They want to study abroad, collaborate on international projects, and be exposed to different cultures and ideas. A boycott would limit their ability to do so, making them feel cut off from the rest of the world. This sense of isolation could lead to greater disillusionment and frustration, making it harder for young people to envision a future of peace and cooperation. Instead of fostering division, efforts should be made to support initiatives that bring young people from different backgrounds together, both within Israel and internationally.
Eyal Benvenisti : As a result of the above, Israeli students will receive poorer education and lose the opportunity to gain the ability to develop critical, well-informed, views about the world. Because Israeli universities are heavily involved in education more generally, the deteriorating quality of education will ultimately affect the entire educational system in Israel.
Tamir Sheafer : A boycott of Israeli universities, including Hebrew University, would negatively impact younger generations in Israel, both Jewish and Arab. With 19% of its student body comprising Arab-Palestinians, Hebrew University fosters diversity, equality, and social mobility. It provides a vital space for inclusion, integration, and meaningful interactions between communities. A boycott would undermine these efforts, hindering dialogue, mutual understanding, and social cohesion.
How do you feel about the fact that you as an individual can continue to be accepted at European or American universities, while the institution where you work is ostracised by the international community?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : It would be disheartening to be accepted individually while my institution is boycotted. Academia is fundamentally a collective pursuit, and the progress we make is often the result of institutional collaboration. Ostracizing universities would hinder the collective efforts of academics and diminish the broader impact of research. The work done at universities is rarely the result of a single individual; it involves teams of researchers, students, and support staff who all contribute to the advancement of knowledge.
The idea of being welcomed as an individual while my colleagues and my institution are shunned is deeply troubling. It undermines the spirit of academic solidarity and the belief that knowledge should be shared and developed collectively. Many of the projects I work on are collaborative, involving my colleagues at my home institution and partners from around the world. If my institution were boycotted, these collaborations would suffer, and the research would be compromised. It would not be easy to continue my work if my colleagues were excluded from the same opportunities.
Eyal Benvenisti : I am no longer certain about the premise of this question. In fact, there are two parts of the question. On the one hand I am not sure that Tel Aviv University is ostracised by the entire international community. My sense is that several institutions and scholars still hold the view that the university is not the long arm of the Israeli government, and that ostracising it plays into the hand of the illiberal, populist camp. At the same time, it seems at times that among those who do ostracise Tel Aviv U and other universities there is a growing number of those who extend their boycott to all Jewish scholars (as opposed to Arab scholars).
Has it been easy to work as an academic in Israel since the present government came to power?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen : It has become increasingly challenging to work as an academic due to political pressures, threats to academic freedom, and the general uncertainty surrounding Israel’s democratic institutions. The political climate has also led to a more polarized environment, making it difficult for universities to maintain independence. The government’s attempts to influence academic discourse and appoint unqualified individuals to key positions have created a sense of unease within the academic community.
Many academics feel their ability to speak freely and conduct research without interference is threatened. The proposed legislative changes, such as the Academic Gag Law, have raised concerns about the future of academic freedom in Israel. These pressures have made it harder for academics to focus on their work, as they constantly worry about potential repercussions for expressing their views or pursuing certain lines of research. The uncertainty has also made it difficult to attract and retain talented researchers, who may be hesitant to work in an environment where their academic freedom is not guaranteed.
Eyal Benvenisti : When this government came to power I was teaching abroad. I decided to move back to Israel and resume teaching and research to support democracy here. It has been a challenging period because of the need to respond effectively to the barrage of legislation and other acts against the rule of law. At the same time it was an inspiring period because of many of us joined our efforts and we’ve discovered the joy of working together, an experience that is not common in academic life. We have been exposed to critique on social media, but that has not affected our motivation.
Tamir Sheafer : The past few years have been particularly challenging, with academics often at the forefront of criticism and advocacy for strengthening democratic structures and fostering societal progress. The ongoing war has added immense pressure and is expected to significantly influence the government’s priorities in the upcoming budget. As a public institution, Hebrew University underscores the critical role of higher education in shaping the nation’s future and urges policymakers to prioritize it in their budgetary decisions.
The academic landscape has also been profoundly disrupted, with approximately 70,000 students across the country called up for reserve duty, leading to postponed classes and adjusted academic calendars. At Hebrew University alone, 7,000 students have been mobilized, necessitating a range of additional support measures, including supplementary classes, private lessons, mentorship programs, extra courses, and psychological support. These demands have placed substantial strain on our already limited resources.
What do you expect from the international academic community?
Itaï Ater et Alon Korngreen :
We expect the international academic community to support Israeli academics who are fighting to preserve academic freedom and democracy. Instead of boycotts, constructive engagement and solidarity could help amplify the voices advocating for positive change within Israel. The international academic community has a role in standing up for the principles of academic freedom and supporting those working to protect these values in challenging circumstances.
The international academic community can speak out against attempts to undermine academic freedom in Israel. Public statements, petitions, and advocacy efforts can help bring attention to the challenges faced by Israeli academics and pressure the government to respect the independence of academic institutions. Solidarity from colleagues worldwide can be a powerful force in pushing back against efforts to curtail academic freedom.
Eyal Benvenisti : My expectation from any academic community is to study carefully the justification and the consequences of any decision it adopts.
Tamir Sheafer : We call on the international academic community to champion open dialogue, continue collaborative efforts, and stand in support of academic freedom and the pursuit of knowledge. We value the importance of maintaining inclusive, cross-border partnerships that drive innovation and address global challenges. Together, we can ensure that academia remains a space for constructive exchange, mutual understanding, and progress, transcending political divides and contributing to the betterment of society worldwide. For over 100 years, Hebrew University has been at the forefront of this mission, and we are committed to leading it into the next century.
Interview by Julia Christ
Editor’s note: The answers of Tamir Sheafer were added on December 12th, 2024 to this published interview.
Itaï Ater is Professor of Economics at Tel Aviv University’s Coller School of Management and Senior Researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute.
Alon Korngreen is a biophysicist and professor at Bar-Ilan University.
Itaï Ater and Alon Korngreen are both members of the “Academics for Israeli Democracy” group.
Eyal Benvenisti is a lawyer and holds the Whewell Chair of International Law at Cambridge University. He previously held the Anny and Paul Yanowicz Chair in Human Rights at Tel Aviv University Law School. He is a member of the Israeli Law Professors’ Forum for Democracy, set up in 2023 in response to the Israeli coalition’s plans to change the legal system.
