Hadas Ragolsky, former journalist, activist and one of the founders of the Women in Red movement, met twice with K., the first time in her office in Tel Aviv City Hall in June 2024, and the second time this past week to talk about the repeated assaults on democracy and on the opposition resistance as well as women’s rights while part of the Israeli society is marching against Benyamin Netanyahu’s government dangerous actions. A strong call for a Diaspora support to the movements of protests.
K. : Could you introduce yourself for K.’s readers?
Hadas Ragolsky : I was born in Sinai. At that time it was under Israeli control. In 1982, after the withdrawal, my family relocated to a Moshav, a community similar to a kibbutz – but less rooted in agriculture, in the Gaza envelope. Specifically, I grew up in Nativ Haasara. Tragically, during the attack on October 7, our community suffered the loss of 20 members. While my immediate family was spared, many others, including my parents, brother, cousin, and friends, became refugees. This has shaped my perspective on various issues. For more than a year, they were among the 100,000 Israelis who were internal refugees, displaced from both the southern and northern regions of the country. While some individuals were beginning to return to the south, they were prohibited from returning to Nativ Haasara due to its location directly on the border. The wall of peace there located next to the border was left abandoned for more than a year.
K. : How did you get involved in Israeli politics?
HR : At the age of 22, I departed from the Moshav to pursue studies in law, later transitioning into journalism. Over nearly three decades, I’ve made contributions to media outlets in Israel, predominantly in television. Notably, I served as the executive producer of the Five o’clock show on what is now known as the 12 News, formerly Channel 2 News, which remains a cornerstone of Israeli journalism. Previously, I worked for Yediot Aharonot and similar publications. In the last five years, I’ve held the position of chief editor at “Onlife”, a women’s online media outlet, which covers a variety of societal, cultural and political topics on an Israeli and international level. Additionally, I played a role in founding Bonot Alternativa, an organization initiated by a group of 200 influential women, which include tech leaders, business women, activists and leaders from various sectors. Initially, it served as a discussion platform, but we also engaged in protests addressing issues such as women’s representation, combating violence against women, and advocating for women’s participation in the economic sphere.
Despite our influence, our organization remained relatively small. However, with the onset of the judicial overhaul in January 2023, drawing on my journalistic expertise and political insights from years of reporting, I foresaw the potential ramifications, the upcoming nightmare. I cautioned my colleagues, recognizing the impending challenges it would pose for women and for Israeli society as a whole.
K. : What did you foresee?
HR : I meticulously reviewed the coalition agreements, scrutinizing every detail of what they had committed to. It became evident to me that their intentions extended beyond mere judicial reform; they sought to transform Israel into some kind of religious autocracy, where the power will be centralized on one man hands who is determined to hold the absolute power surrounded with those who want to implement religious law over all various aspects of life. Recognizing the gravity of this situation, I felt compelled to sound the alarm bells and take action. We initiated protests, joining a chorus of voices across Israel. While our group may not have wielded significant power initially, our resolve remained steadfast. On February 13, 2023, a pivotal moment occurred during a massive demonstration in Jerusalem. We decided to stage a symbolic enactment of “The Handmaid’s Tale,” inviting media coverage and photographers. Given my recent transition from my role as chief editor, I assumed responsibility for media coordination. Little did I anticipate that my temporary stint as an activist would extend beyond what I imagined: we were standing in front of the Supreme Court, and all lined up. And then I start marching with a megaphone. And then beside me was Moran Zer Katzenstein. She’s the founder of Bonot Alternativa. I went with a megaphone and I shouted, “make room, make room, the slaves of Gilad are marching!”. People were amazed, they couldn’t understand what’s going on, and so the crowd split. It was like opening the sea. By the time we had marched from the Supreme Court to the Knesset, to the parliament, we were in every single media that you can think of in Israel and overseas in the Washington Post, New York Times, Der Spiegel, Le Monde, CBS, NBC, Sky News…
By the end of the week, around 1,000 women had joined the cause, marching simultaneously in five different locations across Israel. Within three months, our numbers swelled to 50,000, with marches occurring in 50 different locations. Our movement resonated far beyond our borders, spreading to places like the USA, England, Berlin, and even New Zealand, where women marched in solidarity. Margaret Atwood, the author of the 1982 book, shared our photo on March 13, and continued to repost to support the cause.
K. : It seems then that Women are taking a big part in the democratic movement in Israel.
HR : Only six seats out of 64 positions are occupied by women in the coalition in Knesset. Within Bonot Alternativa, a small group of ultra-Orthodox Jewish women actively advocates for increased representation, but they face significant obstacles. There are women within the ultra-religious community who oppose this push for greater gender equality. This divide is further exacerbated by the judicial overhaul, which has created rifts even within small groups.
As early as next week, they plan to expand the authority of rabbinical courts to include financial aspects of divorce, like alimony and property division. Currently, these issues are handled by civil courts in Israel, while religious courts deal only with the religious act of divorce. This move, part of their broader judicial overhaul, would be a serious setback for women’s rights.
K. : Tell us about what is happening these days in the streets of Israel.
HR : Now that I’m talking to you, it’s the only day I’ve stopped going from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem to Tel Aviv to Jerusalem for protests. On Thursday, a massive demonstration took place in Tel Aviv, led by former senior figures from Israel’s military and security sectors—including reserve brigadier generals from the police, army, Shin Bet, and Mossad. United, they declared that Prime Minister Netanyahu is leading the country toward dictatorship and insisted that this trajectory must be stopped. Then, on Saturday, another enormous protest was held, with approximately 100,000 participants. This demonstration brought together a wide range of voices: the President of the Israeli National Academy, prominent actors, more former military personnel, leaders from the high-tech industry, and the head of the Israeli Bar Association. Many other groups were represented, all united in declaring that Netanyahu’s government is crossing a red line, and that this cannot be allowed to continue.
Over the weekend, more than 60 mayors and heads of municipalities signed a petition expressing their willingness to join a strike if necessary. They also called on Prime Minister Netanyahu to respect the rule of law. As a member of the Tel Aviv–Jaffa municipality, I worked alongside other elected officials who are committed to defending democracy. We each approached our respective mayors, and over 200 of us signed an additional petition, specifically for elected representatives, asserting that everyone—including the government—must abide by the law. We emphasized that the government is crossing boundaries that cannot be crossed.
The events of October 7 created a disastrous situation, revealing catastrophic failures across all of Israel’s security bodies. It’s understandable that people are calling for the Chief of Staff or the head of the Shin Bet to resign. But the same standard should apply to Prime Minister Netanyahu. He should have stepped down, or at the very least gone back to the public and asked for a renewed mandate. A tragedy of this scale—1,800 lives lost—requires accountability. In Serbia, mass protests erupted over the deaths of just 15 people at a train station. And here? Netanyahu is still in office.
This government has lost all legitimacy. That legitimacy ended on October 7, and they should have resigned then. Instead, they’ve continued in power while steadily dismantling democratic institutions.
This government has failed on every front: education, security, counter-terrorism, the war itself, and the economy. Everything they touch becomes a disaster. And amid all this, they continue to govern unchecked. In my view, this government has lost all legitimacy. That legitimacy ended on October 7, and they should have resigned then. Instead, they’ve continued in power while steadily dismantling democratic institutions and gatekeepers. We have to face it : we are following the same path that led to illiberal regimes in Hungary, Turkey, Poland and other countries these days…
K. : Did you see this backlash coming?
HR : It’s indeed a backlash. Frankly, I never saw it coming so fiercely. What we’re witnessing has been brewing for the past 15 years, dating back to Netanyahu’s first government. Firstly, we have a Prime Minister, who, although not yet convicted, faces allegations of serious crimes. Despite this, he commands a loyal following akin to that of a cult leader. Then there’s the religious factions—the ultra-Orthodox Jews, the Haredim—who anticipated this moment. They knew that the law regarding military conscription was set to expire, as ruled by the Supreme Court back in 2013. Yet, for a decade, they failed to propose viable solutions, leading us to January 2023 with no resolution in sight.
Now, let’s talk about the ultra-fascist right. These individuals, while a minority, exert significant influence. They’re akin to the fascists you might find in France or Germany, representing around 10-15% of our population. It’s distressing to note that on Yom Hashoah (Holocaust Memorial Day), we were confronted over here to our own brand of fascism. These ultra-nationalists wield considerable power and have aligned themselves with Netanyahu’s government.
K. : How did this group prepare for this power takeover?
HR : The groundwork for this moment has been laid meticulously over the years. Groups like Kohelet have spearheaded various initiatives, including the drafting of new laws and the appointment of conservative judges. Under Kohelet’s umbrella, initiatives spanning education, minority rights, social issues, and media influence have flourished. This elaborate infrastructure has been quietly constructed, awaiting the opportune moment to assert itself.
Thankfully, their arrogance proved to be their downfall. Instead of implementing their plans gradually, they made the grave error of laying out their entire agenda for all to see when they launched their first assault on the Supreme court. This transparency allowed us to connect the dots and comprehend the gravity of their intentions. When protests erupted in January 2023, none of us could have fathomed the extent to which their plans would unfold. Yet, here we are, witnessing the culmination of their designs—a reality that was once unimaginable but has now become all too real.
The messianic religious Jews made a very deliberate decision about twenty years ago, especially after the disengagement from Gaza: they took it upon themselves to take over every position of power they could. And we were blind to it. We thought, ‘What’s the worry? They’re less than 10% of the population’. But they moved with precision and determination — strategically, almost militarily. And now? They control the political sphere in the sense that they’re kingmakers — they can decide who becomes Prime Minister. They’ve moved into high-ranking positions in the army, as more secular Israelis left military service to work in tech or business. They’ve filled key roles in public administration, and even the media. They had a plan. They executed it. And they succeeded. We woke up two years ago and said: Wait, how did this happen? How did a minority come to dominate education, the military, the political system? And now we have an enormous challenge on our hands: to face that, to push back, and to reclaim our democracy.
K. : What is at stake now?
HR : There was a Hollywood film called “The Perfect Storm” that depicted a similar concept—unfavorable weather conditions and tumultuous waves culminating in a catastrophic event, a convergence of factors that have led us to this dark juncture. We’re still facing the perfect storm. What’s happening now is the result of a government that lacks public legitimacy—though it was, technically, elected. On top of that, it has deliberately weakened every institution meant to provide checks and balances. And it’s important to understand that even before all this, Israel’s democratic framework was already fragile.
We have only three branches of government, and unlike systems in the U.S. or the U.K., we don’t have a bicameral legislature. We don’t have a constitution. From the start, the system lacked robust safeguards. Over the past two years, the government has worked to erode it further. In fact, over the last decade, they’ve rendered the Knesset virtually powerless. It has become a rubber stamp for the executive. There is no real legislative oversight anymore. In effect, the government and the Knesset have merged into one branch, and the judiciary is the last remaining check on power. Now, they’re targeting that too.
These days[1], the government is expected to pass the most significant piece of legislation it’s been pursuing for two years: a law to change the makeup of the judicial appointments committee. If this law passes, judges will be selected through a politicized process. That would fundamentally alter the system—one that, again, has few existing checks. If the committee becomes political, there will be nothing left to stop them.
We’re seeing it now. The Minister of Education recently sent officials to schools in Tel Aviv that had expressed support for allowing students to join protests. This is not normal oversight—it’s surveillance, intimidation. When government representatives are sent into schools to monitor political expression, it’s terrifying.
This culture of fear extends to employees, civil servants, and everyday citizens. Just a few days ago, National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir suggested that the head of the Shin Bet should be imprisoned. Meanwhile, during a parliamentary hearing about a potential new airport—a project that’s been debated for a decade—Knesset member Almog Cohen threatened civil servants, saying, “We will break your bones if you don’t let us do this.” That’s not just fascistic rhetoric—it’s an attempt to intimidate public servants. And this is what they’ve been doing, again and again.
If we don’t fight now, we’ll lose Israel. And if we lose Israel, we’ll have no choice but to leave.
K. : Why is Israel so keen to have its democratic institutions hijacked ?
HR : While France has two chambers—lower and upper—Israel’s system lacks such checks and balances. We have a single parliament, the Knesset, without separate chambers for balance. Instead, we rely on the Supreme Court as a third branch of government. Traditionally, the government serves the people, with oversight from parliament and judicial review from the Supreme Court. However, over the past 15 years, particularly under Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership, there has been a shift. The notion emerged that if a party holds a parliamentary majority, it effectively controls both parliament and the government. This blurs the lines between parliamentary criticism and government actions, essentially merging the two into one entity.
Now, there’s an attempt to exert control over the third branch—the judiciary. When all three branches fall under the sway of politicians—particularly those with extreme, messianic, and delusional ideologies—Israel faces a perilous situation. These individuals envision grandiose schemes of conquest, viewing war not as a catastrophe but as a divine mandate on the path to a supposed salvation. It’s dealing with irrationality at its core. If we fail to restore balance among the branches of government, Israel risks falling into chaos and manipulation.
K. : But for the first democratic protests, they didn’t expect the resistance of the Israeli society.
HR : They didn’t anticipate the extent of our rejection and protest. When nearly one million people took to the streets, they realized their plans faced tremendous opposition. Despite their efforts, they only managed to pass three laws, all of which were swiftly challenged and struck down by the Supreme Court. However, they strategically refrained from appointing a new Supreme Court President and left two or three judicial seats vacant. Now, with a conservative majority in place, they’re poised to reshape the judiciary to align with their agenda, reminiscent of developments in Hungary. I hesitate to conclude on a pessimistic note, but these are undeniably pivotal moments for Israeli society and the Israeli state.
K. : Now your use of the term “nightmare” is more understandable..
HR : The reason we’re engaged in this fight, the reason I’m committed to it, is because I hold hope for a future for my two daughters and my son here in Israel. We’re determined not to become part of the diaspora. We’ve seen this pattern elsewhere, like in Syria, where anyone with the means or intellect fled. People left, like the Poles did, particularly the hardworking upper class, until they were able to restore democracy and some are beginning to return now. If we don’t fight now, we’ll lose Israel. And if we lose Israel, we’ll have no choice but to leave. This is not something we take lightly, especially when we reflect on our ancestors who had nowhere to turn. I come from a lineage of fighters, activists. My grandparents fled Warsaw when my grandmother was just 18 and my grandfather 21, in September 1939. They managed to save themselves, but they were among the few. Each had large families—my grandmother had eight siblings, my grandfather six, and only two survived. One made it to the United States, the other died fighting for the Red Army during the war. He left a daughter behind who, along with her mother, fled to Canada. Two brothers survived: one came to Israel, one to America, and the wife and daughter of the third settled in Canada. Now, we have a place to call home: Israel. Right now, I don’t know if my kids have a future here. I hope they do. I’m fighting for it. This is what I’ve been doing in the last two years, fighting for the future of my kids.
For me, this is the most devastating part—not because I have anything against Jews in the diaspora. I’ve lived in the U.S. for two years and had a wonderful experience. I have close friends there. But now, I’m watching people I know—parents from my kids’ schools, colleagues—starting to leave. That’s the end.
Israel’s population stands at around 10 million, but the most crucial segment—the country’s core strength—is much smaller. It’s made up of the people who drive innovation and keep essential systems running: the wealthy entrepreneurs, the researchers and scientists, the inventors, the high-tech sector, public intellectuals and writers. And especially doctors.
Doctors are a critical pillar. Once the healthcare system begins to collapse, the entire structure of society follows. The group I’m referring to—those who hold up the country intellectually, economically, and socially—is estimated to number between 250,000 and 350,000 people. Less than half a million. And we’re already starting to lose them.
Take, for example, a scientist working on advanced brain surgery technologies. How many people like that exist in Israel? Many are now heading to the United States, where salaries and research funding are far greater. But once they leave, there’s no one to replace them.
This is how a country dies—not when the majority leaves, but when its most vital, most capable people go. If a large enough portion of that core departs, the damage is irreversible. We’re already on that path.
It’s essential for the diaspora to support those of us fighting against the government, a stance that hasn’t been taken often enough.
K. : What do you expect from the diaspora?
HR : My response is straightforward: The diaspora must intervene. When you witness the profound fear that Netanyahu exhibits in response to statements from the International Criminal Court (ICC), it becomes evident that he’s sensitive to pressure.
Fascists don’t mind not leaving Israel. But Netanyahu is a corrupt leader, entangled in luxurious pleasure flights to Europe and America, among other things. There are numerous avenues through which he could face accountability for his actions. This is where the diaspora must stand in solidarity with us. It’s essential for the diaspora to support those of us fighting against the government, a stance that hasn’t been taken often enough. Some Jews in France may view Netanyahu as a messianic figure, but he’s nothing more than a false Messiah, akin to Sabbatai Zvi, attempting to dismantle Israel. We’ve reached a critical juncture where external pressure can bolster internal efforts. Every bit of pressure applied from outside sources could ultimately aid our cause from within.
What’s most troubling to me right now is the silence from Jews in the diaspora. I need them—we need them—to stand with us in this fight for democracy. Recently, there was one encouraging sign: a major conference on antisemitism in Europe that was taking place, with Amichai Chikli, an Israeli minister, invited as the keynote speaker. In response, several large Jewish organizations announced they would boycott the event if he was present. That was a good step. But we need more.
Diaspora Jews must not stay silent. They should be speaking out, loudly, at every opportunity. They should reject every invitation extended to any Israeli minister who represents this government. They should pressure their own governments to take a stand. Imagine the impact if leaders in France, Britain, Germany, or Austria said: This is what happened in Europe 75 years ago. Don’t go down this path again. Don’t leave the community of democracies.
Staying silent in the face of what’s happening in Israel is as dangerous as staying silent in the face of antisemitism. Both silence and indifference threaten the future of the Jewish people. Because if Israel becomes weak—and we are already dangerously weak—there are enough enemies ready to finish what they started on October 7.
We’re watching this unfold in real time. The country is losing its strength. As key people—scientists, doctors, thinkers—leave, the nation becomes more vulnerable. It’s one of the signs but economic agencies like Moody’s and Fitch have already downgraded our ratings. We’re slipping lower and lower.The trend is clear: a steady decline, directly tied to political instability and the ongoing war.
That’s why we need the Jewish diaspora to speak out. Every voice matters. Every action helps. Inside Israel, we’re doing everything we can—but it’s not enough on our own. For a long time, I believed we could count on the U.S. diaspora Jews to take the lead, but I’m starting to doubt that. With Trump’s return on the horizon, even America seems uncertain. It’s as if the democratic world is racing to see who will collapse first. In the end, only European Jews may be left to support us for a democratic Israel.
Interview conducted by Elie Petit
Notes
| 1 | This interview was conducted a few days before the bill was passed by the Knesset. |
