Antisemitism in Poland: the shadow of the past, the challenges of the present

After nearly a decade under the rule of the right-wing populist Law and Justice Party (PiS), marked by a deeply ambiguous relationship with the memory of the Holocaust and antisemitism, Poland has been led by a centrist coalition since December 2023. Can we now hope that the public authorities will take real action to tackle the still endemic problem of antisemitism in Poland? Paula Sawicka tackles this difficult question in this article, published as part of our partnership with DILCRAH.

 

Current Polish-Jewish relations within Poland have been marked by the legacy of shared history and the tragedy of the Holocaust in a way that is incomparable to the relations that the Jewish people have with other places and nations in Europe.^[1] This legacy is unfortunately characterized by antisemitic discrimination and hatred of the Jews. Because of common history the attention of the world is very often focused on antisemitism in today’s Poland. As understandable as it is, this interest is met with opposition by the Polish side because it suggests that the Polish nation and state may be unfairly judged in this regard. Indeed, historical circumstances sometimes obscure the fact that antisemitism in today’s Poland is not marred by the genocidal rhetoric seen in many other European countries. This does not mean, of course, that Poland is a country free of antisemitism, and recent research confirms the seriousness of the issue.

Eight years of populism: a distorted history

Before analysing the attitude of the Polish state toward antisemitism, two observations are in order. 

First, Poland is today, in 2025, in the aftermath of eight years of populist rule of “Law and Justice” party (PiS), during which the issue of antisemitism and historical memory related to the Holocaust served as an element of political distortions and abuses. These abuses lead, among other things, to the enactment of laws that allowed for falsification of the Holocaust. The period also saw state acquiescence to many antisemitic incidents, as evidenced by the report of the independent association of Polish prosecutors Lex Super Omnia. This report reveals shocking examples of antisemitic cases unduly dismissed by prosecutors.^[2] It should be emphasized that, in violation of the principle of judicial independence and like most of the judicial system in Poland, the Prosecutor’s Office, remained under top-down government’s control over the past years.

Polish President, Andrzej Duda, walking at the head of a march whose participants carried antisemitic and racist slogans.

Those eight years of populist rule have shown that the government actions can and do intensify and embolden the manifestations of antisemitism. Take this most symbolic picture: Polish President, Andrzej Duda, walking at the head of a march whose participants carried antisemitic and racist slogans. Poland has also become entangled in the “memory wars” as defined by memory studies historian Nikolay Koposov.^[3] Although “memory wars” are waged around the world, one of the most symptomatic of them remains the Polish-Israeli “war”, specifically concerning the period of World War II and the attitude of Poles toward their Jewish neighbours during the Holocaust. The populist government of “Law and Justice” promoted in various ways the view that Poles collectively and overwhelmingly helped Jews doomed to annihilation, while passing under silence or minimizing the fact that there were people in Polish society who committed horrific acts against persecuted Jews. Research on the subject conducted over more than twenty years by internationally recognized historians has painfully proven the falsehood of such claims. The infamous January 2018 amendment to the law of the Institute of National Remembrance, which criminalized certain statements about that past – subsequently amended under international pressure –  is just one example of the irrational efforts of the Polish authorities of the time attempting to prove historical lies.^[4] The largely emotional reaction of the Israeli authorities only exacerbated the situation, which has not been fully resolved to this day. 

The legislative attempt to decree the only acceptable and preferred version of history by the authorities was accompanied by litigation in courts.

The legislative attempt to decree the only acceptable and preferred version of history by the authorities was accompanied by litigation in courts. An example of this type of action was the lawsuit brought against two Holocaust scholars, Professors Jan Grabowski and Barbara Engelking, in connection with the scholarly publication they co-edited and co-authored, There is Still Night by a private citizen at the instigation of PiS.^[5] They were sued for violating the personal rights of the niece of a person described in one paragraph of the two-volume book as co-responsible for the deaths of Jews hiding in the forests. The court proceedings, which ended with a ruling by the Warsaw Court of Appeals dismissing the lawsuit in its entirety (though preceded by a ruling by the Warsaw District Court ordering the scholars to apologize to the plaintiff), was an attempt to distort historical memory and silence the voices critical of official narratives about the past. Importantly, it was supported by those in power: after the appeal verdict favourable to Engelking and Grabowski, the then Minister of Justice Zbigniew Ziobro publicly called the verdict a “disgrace of the court” and a “judicial assault on justice”.^[6]

Ordinary antisemitism: a social and religious culture

The second preliminary observation concerns the specifics of antisemitism in Poland. My more than twenty years of experience working for the NGO called Open Republic Association against Antisemitism and Xenophobia confirms that antisemitic clichés are common in Poland and alas passed from generation to generation. They are responsible for the attitude of Poles toward their Jewish fellow citizens, regardless of whether they maintained Jewish distinctiveness or are rooted in Polish language and culture.

These clichés stereotyping Jews (and Roma) are different from those regarding other nations, because, even when assimilated, these two groups don’t cease to be perceived as “others”.

My observations have been confirmed by the POLIN report published in December 2023, stating that “Despite the small size of the Jewish community, antisemitism is unfortunately ever-present in Poland, with many people using antisemitic stereotypes or antisemitic rhetoric to insult and discriminate not necessarily and not only against Jews, but often against all those who for some reason are perceived as foreign or different. Antisemitic language clichés have almost been imprinted into the Polish language and are very often used semi-consciously or unconsciously. This phenomenon is present in almost all social and age groups of society. As such, it is extremely dangerous, as it promotes polarization, discrimination and exclusion of individuals or entire groups (such as refugees, migrants, ethnic and religious minorities, members of sexual minorities).”^[7] Antisemitic epithets have proven particularly effective for deprecating and degrading political opponents. 

The perpetuation of antisemitic prejudices and stereotypes among Poles is notably related to the teachings of the Catholic Church. It has remained unchanged for centuries and resisted the currents of renewal originating in the Vatican.

The report prepared by Open Republic indicates that in Poland, antisemitic prejudice includes in particular the belief that Jews are duplicitous and greedy; collaborate with Poland’s enemies; are collectively responsible for the death of Jesus, for crimes against Poles, or for communist rule; use the history of the Holocaust to further their own ends; threaten public morality; use or have in the past used the blood of Christians for secret rituals.^[8] Clearly, antisemitism is not a distant past in Poland.

Stanisław Obirek, a theologian and historian, a former Jesuit, in his recently published book speaks of the “Catholic canon of antipathy toward Jews”, blames the spread and perpetuation of antisemitic prejudices and stereotypes among Poles on the teachings of the Catholic Church. It has remained unchanged for centuries and resisted the currents of renewal originating in the Vatican. Regarding the declaration Nostra Aetate of 1965^[9] Obirek states that “this document was never taken seriously in Poland, and its reception was limited to being translated into Polish and to being superficially and occasionally mentioned. It never became part of the teaching in Polish seminaries, nor did it find its way to the pulpits of Polish Catholic churches.”^[10]

The legal framework

The existing legal framework in Poland allows for effective fight against antisemitism, with its proper implementation being, as always in such cases, the most challenging issue. Poland is a signatory of all major treaties and other instruments of international human rights protection systems that obligate it to introduce and apply certain legal and policy solutions in countering antisemitism. And Poland is essentially complying with these – formal – obligations. Poland has implemented laws that are in line with the international standards criminalizing antisemitic hate crimes and hate speech, and it has appropriate laws against discrimination based on ethnicity, race, nationality or religion. However, this does not mean that these laws are properly and effectively applied, or that comprehensive government programs, framed as strategies for countering antisemitism, are in place and implemented effectively. Legal expert Prof. Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias confirms that the formally binding document, adopted by the government under the name: National Action Program for Equal Treatment 2022-2030^[11], not only has not been visibly and effectively implemented to date, but it does not address the phenomenon of antisemitism in the way that a national program dedicated to this very problem should do. It is also articulated in terms of the EU’s anti-discrimination directives, which focus on the prohibition of discrimination in areas such as employment, health and social welfare. In Poland antisemitism of this type is hardly noticeable. One of the few elements of the program that explicitly mentions antisemitism is Acquiring knowledge of the activities and experiences of other countries and exchanging good practices in the area of counteracting discriminatory behaviour related to racism, antisemitism, xenophobia and homophobia among fans at sports events. These formal steps taken by the Polish authorities are obviously insufficient to counter this form of antisemitism. The lack of a strong, immediate and decisive response from the authorities and law enforcement agencies to multiple acts of antisemitism in public spaces as monitored, reported for example, by Open Republic Association, is outrageous.

Antisemitic language clichés have almost been imprinted into the Polish language and are very often used semi-consciously or unconsciously. It is clear that antisemitism is not a distant memory in Poland.

An antisemitic content expressed consciously or unconsciously, is constantly present in the statements and behavior of Poles, and it does not evoke a strong social condemnation. Indeed, an atmosphere of acceptance of antisemitism prevails in the Polish society. The experiences of World War II did not change social attitudes, although Poland, a country once inhabited by numerous national minorities, including a 10% Jewish community, became a monolithic society with virtually no Jews. Poles like to refer to the national tradition of tolerance and multiculturalism, but they do not consider the centuries-old history of Polish Jews to be part of Polish history, nor do they value the contribution of the Jewish minority to Polish culture, or  miss it. On the contrary, one sometimes can hear in public space that “we owe one thing to Hitler: he freed us from the Jews.”

Most antisemitic incidents in Poland take the form of antisemitic hate speech. antisemitic hate speech is evil in more than one way. It has a social impact because, when tolerated, it undermines democracy. It also has a moral dimension because it violates human dignity. It is but a step away from violence and hateful actions. Grzegorz Braun, since 2024 a Polish member of the European Parliament crosses this thin line. Under the cover of parliamentary immunity, he commits brutal, skilfully orchestrated antisemitic attacks on people, objects and sites, e.g. destroying the sound system during a lecture on the Holocaust or brutally douses with a fire extinguisher a Hanukkiah in the Polish Parliament, sending a bystander to the hospital.^[12] In a normal country his antisemitic actions would have excluded him from public life – today he received 6,34% in presidential election in June 2025. He has many followers: on July 10th 2025, a ceremony commemorating the Jews murdered by their Polish neighbours in Jedwabne was disrupted by a group of protesters led by Braun who shouted antisemitic slogans. 

Although Poland formally adopted the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism in a 2021 in the declaration by the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage,^[13] the previous government has not taken any significant steps to publicize or promote it. The declaration remains a dead letter. The task of promoting and encouraging various entities to adopt it has been undertaken by non-governmental organizations. As a result, several Polish cities have passed formal resolutions adopting the definition.^[14] However, a comprehensive promotion and information campaign on the meaning and implementation of the definition is still lacking. The same can be said about training courses for government officials promoting awareness of antisemitism in public life. All these tasks are undertaken by non-governmental organisations, which, without state support, must raise funds for this activity on their own. Although formally, till recently an office of the Government Plenipotentiary for Equal Treatment existed in Poland^[15] and there was even an  Inter-Parliamentary Hate Crimes Prevention Committee, the results of their functioning proved to be meagre. 

Let us mention, however, the initiatives that have taken place over the past few years with the participation of state institutions and other entities involved in broadly understood education about the Holocaust. One example is the training seminar on teaching about the Holocaust and Jewish history and culture, jointly organized by the Polish government’s Centre for Education Development and the International School for Holocaust Studies of Yad Vashem in Jerusalem in 2018. The seminar conducted as part of the project To Preserve Memory. History and Culture of Two Nations, addressed to elementary and secondary school teachers involved in historical civic education aimed at countering racism and antisemitism.^[16] Another example is the 2022 series of meetings entitled Preventing Hate Crime. Principles for building partnerships with the community. These latter trainings were prepared by the Jewish Association Czulent in cooperation with the Cracow Provincial Police Headquarters. These meetings’ purpose was to enhance the  cooperation between the Police and the local communities so as to effectively prevent antisemitic events.^[17]

All these tasks are undertaken by non-governmental organisations, which, without state support, must raise funds for this activity on their own.

These few activities were far from a satisfactory commitment by the Polish authorities to combat antisemitism. Now, with the new government, the situation could potentially improve. Starting with the personal involvement of top state officials, which is always an extremely important factor: Professor Adam Bodnar, Minister of Justice (December 2023-July 2025) as the Polish Ombudsman (2015-2021), has been involved in a number of initiatives combatting antisemitism, thus highlighting the importance of such efforts. Mr. Bodnar published reports and addressed inquiries to state authorities, in which he raised questions about the lack of commitment and non-implementation of existing laws to combat antisemitism.^[18] It was Mr. Bodnar who brought clarity to the case of antisemitic Internet postings suspected to have been made by Judge Jarosław Dudzicz, who was nominated to the Supreme Court after he described Jews as a “vile, wretched and greedy nation”. The resolution of this case was effectively blocked for years.^[19] This, too, is a telling and symptomatic example of the attitude of those in power in Poland toward antisemitism until the end of Law and Justice’s rule in December 2023. Just as telling was Minister Bodnar’s decision to invite representatives of the Jewish community and human right NGOs to the Ministry of Justice immediately after the Grzegorz Braun’s shameful antisemitic act of extinguishing a Hanukkiah in the Polish Parliament.^[20] In July 2024, another important step has been taken by Minister Bodnar. Acting as the Polish Prosecutor General: he appointed the Council of Advisors on Counteracting Hate Crimes and Hate Speech, which was entrusted with developing new guidelines for Polish prosecutors and preparing appropriate training materials for the justice system and law enforcement agencies.^[21] As of July 2025, Judge Waldemar Żurek, the new Minister of Justice, continues the mission of Professor Bodnar.

What Poland needs to address

The Polish authorities will not be able to be effectively engaged in the fight against antisemitism without some clearly established procedures as to how to deal with such violations of the existing law in Poland. As noticed by Sylwia Kędzierska-Jasik, the Head of the Jewish Community of Warsaw: “There is also a great need to expand the range of entities that have the legitimacy to report acts of antisemitism because currently there is often a refusal on the side of prosecutor’s office to initiate the proceedings due to the alleged lack of legitimacy of the reporting party or the aggrieved party. This change would mainly concern law enforcement awareness of the harm that antisemitism causes to society as a whole, not just to the Jews.” What must change is the tendency of prosecutors to dismiss such cases. The attitude of the Prosecutors shows that they do not know or do not want to know where the line between freedom of expression and criminalized hate speech is. In civil proceedings, there is an additional problem that must be addressed. It is the common custom (usus) in judicial practice claiming that a non-Jew cannot be offended by antisemitism.

In 2022, the Lex Super Omnia prosecutors’ association published an important study (already mentioned above) showing the scale of the problem of dismissing and mismanagement of cases largely involving antisemitism. The study formulated a number of detailed recommendations that should trigger changes in the way hate crimes are handled and prosecuted in Poland, including crimes with an antisemitic motive. Gliszczyńska-Grabias postulates: “An indicator of judicial efficiency should also be the enforcement of the applicable laws by the institutions obliged to do so, in particular the Police, prosecutors and courts. Quite frequently these institutions while interpreting acts of similar nature, make different assessments of their harmfulness and apply different punishment. The justifications provided for refusing to initiate proceedings in cases involving humiliation of or hatred toward minority groups are often surprisingly vague and schematize.”

An element of the proposed “new opening” could also be the appointment by the government of the office of the Plenipotentiary for countering antisemitism – an institution that functions in many other countries, including EU member states, the US and Canada.^[22] The existing office of the Plenipotentiary for Contacts with the Jewish Diaspora within the structures of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Poland is not directly involved in counteracting antisemitism.

With regard to the IHRA Working Definition of antisemitism, it is necessary to give it real force and meaning. Its pro forma, low legal rank adoption status, went almost unnoticed. This definition must receive an official and unambiguous recognition and support from the Polish authorities. The IHRA definition will only be effectively introduced and applied by the Polish authorities if it is preceded by a government debate. Only then  the adoption of IHRA definition will be meaningful. The signature “on paper” would indicate a genuine readiness to implement the document’s content. The Polish authorities should also actively promote the adoption of the definition by its institutions, local governments and other entities. Representatives of the Jewish community, including Kędzierska-Jasik say: “It would be very important to actually implement the IHRA Definition of antisemitism into the corpus iuris so that from ‘guidelines’ it could become ‘law’.”

The preparation, adoption and implementation of a governmental national strategy to counter antisemitism remains a top priority, as confirmed by Joanna Grabarczyk-Anders, representing Jewish Association Czulent: “It is crucial to adopt the strategy for counteracting antisemitism and to appoint a national representative responsible for its implementation. We are concerned about the lack of action in the area of raising awareness, countering crimes motivated by prejudice, and the ineffective prosecution of the perpetrators of these crimes, which has a negative impact on the sense of security of the Jewish community in Poland.” 

Let us remember that the adoption of such a plan of action is a required element in the EU Strategy on combating antisemitism and fostering Jewish life (2021 – 2030).^[23] If the Polish authorities take their EU commitments seriously, their implementation must also include active participation in such initiatives. In the recent past, a number of Polish NGOs have been involved in elaborating the basis for such a comprehensive strategy. Detailed guidelines have been developed, which can be implemented relatively quickly after extensive consultations with experts and non-governmental organizations. The Open Republic Association has adapted the IHRA definition of antisemitism to Polish realities, developing and publishing in 2023 a practical guide describing specific situations that should be considered as antisemitic.^[24]

Finally, it cannot be ignored that currently in most EU Member States – and beyond – we are observing manifestations of antisemitism based on anti-Israel attitudes. It is often difficult to draw a clear line between legitimate criticism of Israeli politics and antisemitic acts. Crimes committed by Hamas on October 7, 2023 were an unprecedented event in the history of Israel. Similarly unprecedented is the wave of antisemitism that swelled around the world almost simultaneously with the Hamas attack. Several hundred percent increases of antisemitic incidents, vandalized Jewish cemeteries and synagogues, antisemitic assaults and beatings, demonstrations in the thousands openly calling for the annihilation of Jews. These manifestations of hatred can in no way be justified by the legitimate struggle for the rights of Palestinians. Poland is so far free of violent antisemitic incidents related to October 7th , although there have been isolated, non-violent cases. Widely reported by the world’s media was case of Marie Andersen, a Norwegian student at Warsaw Medical University, who displayed an extremely antisemitic banner during a pro-Palestinian demonstration.^[25] It must be said that she did it with the approval of other demonstrators. In her case criminal proceedings have been going for two years. 

The history that the Poles share with the Jews should finally become a starting point for mutual understanding. The Polish state and its institutions have an important role to play in this process. As with most sensitive and difficult issues,  a comprehensive approach to combat antisemitism must be based on broad governmental and non-governmental cooperation to yield positive results. At the same time, it should be remembered that an important part of Poland’s relations with Israel are the Polish and Jewish, sometimes emotionally tense, historical and contemporary perspectives. Certainly, the issue has strongly and adversely influenced the  Polish and Israeli foreign policy over the past years, which in turn has weakened the efforts to counter antisemitism in Poland. Today, we face a unique opportunity to change this situation.

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Paula Sawicka